Ito ang anunsyo ng PNU SG tungkol sa isyu ng University Shirt. Ang dating 100 pesos na sinisingil ay ginawang 120 pesos ngayon. Wala ring demokratikong konsultasyon sa mga estudyante. Kapansin-pansin din sa pahayag sa ibaba ang mga katagang “ISANG TUNAY at POSITIBONG PAGBABAGO” na siyang tagline ng SULO Party. kung kaya mahihibo rito na ang anunsyo ng PNU SG ay tila hindi ang pangkabuuang tindig ng SG kundi ng isang partido lamang. Ang lohika ng depensa rito ay walang pinagkaiba sa kaisipang makanegosyo at kontra-estudyante. HINDI KAILANMAN DAPAT IPINAPASA SA MGA ISKOLAR AT GURO NG BAYAN ANG PAMBILI NG MGA GAMIT AT PANG-RENOVATE NG MGA PASILIDAD. Mas malala pa ito sa paniningil sa mga private school.
Ang dapat sagutin at panagutan ng SULO ay BAKIT NINYO BINIBIGYAN NG DAGDAG NA BAYARIN ANG MGA ESTUDYANTE HINDI ITO TUNAY AT POSITIBONG PAGBABAGO.

 

PNU-SG ANNOUNCEMENT:

SAAN MAPUPUNTA ANG KIKITAIN SA UNIVERSITY SHIRT?

mula sa: http://www.facebook.com/groups/philippinenormaluniversitymanila/permalink/10151176629580259/

Kada taon, may bago tayong University Shirt. Nagsisilbi itong IDENTITY ng PNUans bawat taon. May kanya-kanya mang DBO shirts, ang UNIVERSITY SHIRT ang nagbubuklod sa ating bilang ISANG Unibersidad.

Nagsisilbi din itong isa sa Income-Generating Projects ng Student Government. Saan napupunta ang kinikita sa UNIVERSITY SHIRT?

Sa mga nakalipas na administrasyon, maraming nagsabi na hindi nila alam kung saan napunta ang perang kinita dahil wala namang report na inilabas at HINDI NILA NARAMDAMAN ang epekto ng perang kinita.

Ngayon administrasyon, KASABAY ng PAGSIGURO natin ng ISANG TUNAY at POSITIBONG PAGBABAGO, sisiguraduhin namin na lahat ng mangagaling sa PNUan, babalik sa PNUan. Sisiguraduhin natin na MARARAMDAMAN at MAPAPAKINABANGAN ng bawat PNUan ang kikitain ng 2012 UNIVERSITY SHIRT PROJECT.

Mapapansin na mas mataas ng 20 pesos ang 2012 University Shirt. Mula sa 100php noong isang taon, ito’y naging 120php.

Ang tanong, ano ang bibilhin sa karagdagang 20 pesos?

Unang-una, sisiguraduhin nating MAS MATAAS ang kalidad ng 2012 University Shirt. Hindi kagaya ng nakalipas na University Shirt na manipis at substandard ang telang ginamit, YALEX RED LABEL ang kalidad ng 2012 University Shirt. Sisiguraduhin din na kahit ilang beses pa ito labhan ay hindi matatanggal o kukupas ang kulay.

Parte ng kikitain ay mapupunta sa pondo para sa mga Department-Based Organizations (DBO’s)

PNUan, ANO PA ANG MABIBILI NG 20 PESOS MO???

Ito ang listahan:

2 LCD Projectors
2 CD Players with USB Port
2 Speakers with Audio Jack Connectors
2 Beat Boxes
2 Acoustic Guitars with pick-up
2 Electric Guitars
2 Electric Guitar Amplifiers
1 Bass Guitar
1 Base Guitar Amplifier
1 Drum Set
1 Audio Mixer
1 Main Amplifier
1 Tuner
2 Wireless Microphones
2 Regular Microphones

Karagdagan dito ay ang pagrerenovate ng Old Ecumenical Room sa 2nd floor ng Student Center Building. Ito’y magiging Multi-Purpose Room kung saan pwedeng LIBRENG gamitin ng bawat PNUan bilang:

Audio Visual Room
Mini Theater
Special Lecture Room
Conference Room
Practice Area
Others

Magkakaroon na din ng kauna-unahang UNIVERSITY RECORDING STUDIO kung saan maaring hasain ng bawat PNUan ang kanilang abilidad sa musika at performance. Magkakaroon ng pagkakataon ang bawat PNUan na makapagrecord ng kanilang MUSIKA gamit ang mga PROPESYUNAL na gamit.

Parte ng pagbabago ang mga batikos. Ngunit kung matatakot tayo sa sasabihin ng iilang hirap o ayaw makita o tanggapin ang katotohanan, HINDI TAYO UUSAD.

Ito ay MAKASAYSAYANG PROYEKTO ng BAWAT PNUan. Ito ang UNANG BESES na magkakaroon tayo ng ganitong mga gamit na MASASABI nating ATIN.

Panahon na upang I-UPGRADE at dagdagan ang mga FACILITIES na nakakatulong sa mga PNUans na maging HOLISTIC EDUCATORS.

Muli, PNUan, ano ang MAGAGAWA NG BENTE PESOS MO?

Ang sagot: EMPOWERMENT OF FUTURE EDUCATORS.

MARAMING SALAMAT PO!

 

Originally published: http://www.facebook.com/groups/philippinenormaluniversitymanila/permalink/10151176629580259/

Komparatibong Pagsusuri sa mga dokumentaryong pelikulang The U.S. and the Philippines: In Our Image (Stanley Karnow / Andrew Pearson) at Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo

ni: JOHN CLIFFORD E. SIBAYAN

 

Bagama’t tila mahigpit na magkaugnay ang mga dokumentaryong pelikulang The U.S. and the Philippines: In Our Image ayon sa lente ni Stanley Karnow at ang Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo ayon sa lente ng radikal na kilusang mapagpalaya ng Kilusang Pambansa Demokratiko, malaki ang pagkakaiba nito sa kritikal na pagsusuri sa tunay na relasyon sa pagitan ng Estados Unidos at ng Pilipinas. Ang unang bansa ay isang imperyalistang bansa habang ang Pilipinas ay isang kliyenteng-estado (client state). Ang dokumentaryong pelikula ni Karnow ay depiksyon ng “White Man’s Burden” o ang klasikong depensa o apologia (apology) ng kolonyaismo/imperyalismong Estados Unidos habang ang Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo ay mabalasik na kritika ng karahasan ng imperyalismo sa lahat ng antas ng politika, ekonomiya, kultura at iba pang larangan sa bansa.

Sa akdang “U.S. Imperialism is a Paper Tiger” (1956) ni Tagapangulong Mao Zedong, sinabi niya na  ang Imperyalismong Estados Unidos ay tila makapangyarihan, ngunit sa realidad ay hindi. Sinabi ni Mao Zedong na sa katunayan ay mahina ang imperyalismo sapagkat ito ay “divorced from the masses of the people and disliked by everybody and by the American people too.” Isinisiwalat ni Mao Zedong sa pahayag na ito na “tigreng papel” ang Imperyalismong Estados Unidos sapagkat sa panlabas na anyo’y tigre ito ngunit sa realidad ay gawa ito sa papel na madaling wasakin ng lakas, hangin at ulan ng disgusto ng malawak na masa at mamamayan. Ganito ang paninindigan na masisipat sa dokumentaryong Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo, habang ang dokumentaryong pelikula naman ni Karnow ay naghahayag na naging mas mabuting mananakop sa Pilipinas ang Estados Unidos kaysa Espanya.

 

White Man’s Burden at ang Apologia ng Imperyalistang Estados Unidos

Si Stanley Karnow ay isang mamamahayag at nagsilbi sa United States Army Air Corps sa Asya noong Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig. Kilala rin siya bilang dokumentarista ng Estados Unidos sa naganap na marahas na pananakop ng Estados Unidos sa Vietnam. Nakasama siya noong 1961 kay Hen. Douglas McArthur at ilang beses naglagi sa Pilipinas at nakipag-untugang-siko sa mga naghaharing uri sa bansa tulad nina Ferdinand Marcos at Corazon Aquino. Kabilang siya sa Council of Foreign Relations ng Estados Unidos at ng American Society of Historians. Nangangahulugan ito na ang paghuhusto sa kamalayan ni Karnow bilang mamamahayag at historyador ay nakapaloob sa Amerikanistang diskurso at kolonyalista/imperyalistang diskurso ng bansang kaniyang pinag-ugatan. Hindi na nakapagtataka, kung gayon, na hindi lamang usapin ng lahi (Amerika vs. Pilipino) ang blinder o tagabulag ni Karnow, kung hindi ang kinabibilangan niyang uring panlipunan. Ito ang mga sanhi kung bakit ang ipininta niyang relasyon ng Pilipinas at Amerika ay nakaayon sa mata ng Amerikanong burukrata.

tinypic.com

Malinaw na ang balangkas-diwa ni Karnow at ng kaniyang dokumentaryo ay mas panig sa Estados Unidos. Una, dahil bagama’t nagawang makapanayam ni Karnow ang maraming Pilipino, maging ang mga komunista at pulang mandirigma sa bansa, ang kaniyang lente ay nakapanalig sa Amerikanistang mamamahayag. Nakasama siya kay Douglas McArthur noong 1961 at ang kaniyang pagtataya ay bayani si McArthur na sinasamba ng mga Pilipino. Sa ganitong kalagayan, makikita na bagama’t wari ni Karnow na sinakop ng Estados Unidos ang Pilipinas ay maluwag itong tinanggap ng mga Pilipino. Sa katunayan, napaka-inutil ng pahayag ni Karnow at napakababa ng tingin sa mga Pilipino sa panayam sa kaniya ni Brian Lamb hinggil sa kaniyang libro at dokumentaryo:

 

“Filipinos are very talkative. Of course, I understand as a reporter that they want something, I mean, that they’re trying to sell themselves or sell whatever policy they had. Nevertheless, there is a kind of congeniality in Filipinos, and it’s not only the president. It’s right down to the lowliest peasant.”

 

Ngunit ang mga Pilipinong sa aktuwal ay pinatutungkulan ni Karnow ay ang mga Pilipinong miyembro ng oligarkiya sa bansa – ng mga naghaharing uri at pamilya na simula pa noong panahon ng Kolonyalismong Kastila ay nakipagsabwatan at nakinabang na sa mga kolonisdor at dayuhang personahe at sistema. Sa katunayan, lagpas pa sa white man’s burden, napakalaki ng pagmamaliit ni Karnow sa mga Pilipino sa dokumentaryong ito sa pamamagitan ng pagsabi na tila kasalanan ng mga Pilipino ang pagdedepende o pagsandig sa Estados Unidos, na tila hindi isang sistematikong panunupil, pagmamaniobra at paglalambong (pampolitika, pang-ekonomiya at pangkultura) ang ikinawing sa atin ng Estados Unidos. Sa katunayan, sa isang panayam ni Brian Lamb kay Karnow, lumilitaw ang balangkas-diwa ng dokumenaryo – na ang Pilipinas ay tinanggap ang mga kolonyalista (sa pag-usad ay imperyalistang) Estados Unidos:

 

“The Filipinos have to develop this sense of nationhood, and that’s going to be a major challenge for them. Only when they can do that can they begin to become truly independent from the United States because the independence they got in 1946 was a kind of dependent independence. They depended on us for aid; they depend on us for advice; they depend on us on numerous occasions to help them pull the chestnuts out of the fire. They’re depending on us right now for help fighting the insurgency. So they have to make it on their own, and that’s going to be the major challenge for them, and I think it will color their relationship with us. (1989)”

 

Doble-kara ang maaaring mabasa sa pahayag na ito ni Karnow, na siya ring mamamataan sa kaniyang dokumentaryo. Una, na malayang nagpasakop ang Pilipinas sa Estados Unidos, at tila nagpapasalamat pa na tayo’y binili ng Estados Unidos mula sa Espanya. Ikalawa, na tayo ang may kasalanan at hindi ang sistemang kolonyalismo / imperyalismong Estados Unidos kung bakit masyado tayong nakaasa at palaasa sa dayuhang mananakop at sistema. Ikatlo, at pinakakontrobersiyal, na hindi nakikita ni Karnow na magkasalikop ang interes ng Estados Unidos at ng oligarkiya ng Pilipinas sa pagsugpo sa rebolusyon ng Kilusang Pambansa Demokratiko sa Pilipinas.

 

Tunggalian ng mga Uri at ang Liyab ng Libong Anti-Imperyalistang Sulo

Samantala, matibay naman ang anti-imperyalistang balangkas ng Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo, na mahusay na nasipat na ang Pilipinas ay kliyenteng-estado ng Estados Unidos. At kung sa nomenklatura nga ito ng mga progresibo sa bansa, “tuta ng Amerikanong imperyalista” ang naghaharing uri sa bansa. Ito ang hindi nasisipat ni Karnow! Na tila sinasalalak niya na dahil sa naghaharing uri ay namimisrepresenta na ang lahat ng Pilipino ay sagad-sagaring sunud-sunuran lamang sa dikta ng Estados Unidos, samantalang napakalakas ng rebolusyonaryong kilusan sa bansa.

files.blog-city.com

Sa aktwal, ang balangkas-diwa ng Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo ay nagpapakita na ang lakas para mapalaya ang bansa mula sa anumang dayuhang mananakop at lokal na papet na pamahalaan at oligarkiya ay ang lakas ng rebolusyon at ng mamamayan. Ang bansa ay napapayungan ng monopolyo kapitalismo (o imperyalismong) Estados Unidos at ng lokal na naghaharing uri tulad ng burgesya komprador. Mayroong limang batayang katangian ang monopolyo kapitalismo: (1) ang pag-unlad ng konsentrasyon ng produksyon at kapital ay lumikha ng mga monopolyo ng iilan na naging mapagpasiya sa buhay pang-ekonomiya; (2) ang kapital sa bangko, na tradisyunal na pangkalakalan, ay sumanib sa kapital sa industriya, at ang kapital sa pinansiyang ito ay lumikha ng oligarkiyang pinansiyal; (3) ang mas mataas na pagpapahalaga sa pag-eksport ng kapital kaysa sa pag-eksport ng komoditi; (4) ang pormasyon ng global na monopolyo kapitalismo na pinaghahati-hatian ang buong mundo; at (5) ang pagkumpleto sa teritoryal na dibisyon ng buong mundo sa mga dambuhalang kapitalistang kapangyarihan. (Guerrero 2006, 65-66; Sison 1998, 18-19)

Kaugnay nito, sumulpot naman ang burgesya komprador bilang bagong uring panlipunan nang mangibabaw sa Pilipinas ang monopolyo kapitalismong Estados Unidos. Ang burgesya komprador ang nagsisilbing “mediator” o “tagapamagitan” ng lokal na ekonomiya at ng produkto at puhunan ng mga korporasyong Amerikano. Naakumula ng mga burgesya komprador ang pinakamalaking kapital sa lokal bunga ng primaryang papel nito bilang ahenteng pinansiyal ng imperyalismong Estados Unidos. (Guerrero 2006, 134-135)

Pinatatampok ng Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo ang materyalismong istoriko – na ang pag-usad ng mga bansa ay bunga ng tunggalian ng mga uri. Ito ang hindi nasisipat ni Karnow na matamang nasipat ng Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo. Natiyak sa teorya at praxis ng kilusang mapagpalaya na kailangang gapiin ang imperyalismo at lokal na kasapakat  nito upang tunay na mapalaya ang bansa at lumikha ng rebolusyonaryong gobyerno na maglulunsad ng pambansang industrialisasyon, rebolusyong agraryo at pangkultrang rebolusyon upang mapalaya. Sabi nga ni Mao Zedong, “There is no reason for the existence of imperialism” (1956).

Nangangahulugan, kung gayon, na ang mga papet na pamahalaan at lokal na naghaharing uri ay matinding kakampi at tuta ng mga imperyalistang Amerikano. Kung kaya’t itinuturo ng dokumentaryong Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo na ang tanging solusyon sa suliranin ng bansa ay ang rebolusyong pambansa demokratiko tungo sa sosyalistang rebolusyon.

 

Ang Kasaysayan ng Dialogikong Relasyon ng Estados Unidos at Pilipinas ay Tagibang

Sinabi ni Mao Zedong na “All oppressed nations want independence.” (1956) Sa katunayan, sa ganitong giya maaaring sipatin kung paano binuo ng dalawang dokumentaryo ang kasaysayan ng Pilipinas. Hindi naman porke’t Amerikano si Karnow ay awtomatikong panig siya sa Amerika. Panig ang dokumentary ni Karnow sa Amerika dahil ideolohiya ng kolonyalista/imperyalistang Estados Unidos ang sandigan ni Karnow. Habang sa mulat na pagsusulat o pagbubuo ng kasaysayan ng Kilusang Pambansa Demokratiko, ang Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo ay matibay na nakasandig sa mapagpalayang rebolusyon ng mamamayan.

Inilatag ni Karl Marx ang batayang diskurso ng materyalismong istoriko – na ang kasaysayan ng anumang bansa-estado ay kasaysayan ng tunggalian ng mga uri. Kung gayon, kung susuriin ang balangkas-diwa ng In Our Image, kapos ito sa istoriko materyalistang pagsusuri at nanalig lamang sa burgis na metodo ng pananaliksik at pamamahayag – ispasmodikong pakikipanayam at limitadong alaala na mas nakasandig pa sa oligarkiya ng bansa. Habang ang Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo naman ay mahusay na tinalunton ang kasaysayan ng pagkakabuo ng bansa batay sa moda ng pang-ekonomiyang produksyon (na balangkasin rin ng mga tulad ni Karl Marx). Mula sa primitibo komunal at lokal o katutubong pyudalismo hanggang sa pagsisikhay tungo sa sosyalismo. Makikita sa Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo ang batayang pahayag ni Marx: “Kailangang wasakin ang lumang kaayusan at mga institusyon upang lumikha ng bago at mapagpalayang kaayusan.” Nangangahulugan ito na ang kaayusan o orden na mayroon sa kasalukyan bunga ng imperyalismong Estados Unidos at lokal na kasapakat nito ay “walang kaayusang kaayusan,” o yaong pabor lamang sa interes ng naghahari.

Nakapaloob si Karnow sa hegemoniya o gahum ng kolonyalista/imperyalistang Estados Unidos. Para kay Antonio Gramsci, ang dominante at nagdodominang kapangyarihan o hegemoniya ay pumapaimbulog maging sa mga detalye nito. Tulad nang masisipat sa dokumentaryo ni Karnow, bagama’t nagmatiyag ay hindi naging tunay na mapagpmatiyag si Karnow sa pagbubuo ng kasaysayan ng Pilipinas. Hindi isinaalang-alang at hindi lumabas sa gahum o hegemoniya ng Estados Unidos. Habang ang Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo ay dumaluyong laban sa hegemonikong pagmamalupit ng imperyalistang Estados Unidos at lokal na naghaharing uri.

Sa diskurso ng ideolohiya ni Louise Althusser, makikita natin na ang In Our Image ay hindi lumalabas sa ideolohikal na kahon ng imperyalismong Estados Unidos, at sa katunayan ay nagsilbi bilang Ideological State Apparatus (ISA) ng imperyalismo. Kung kaya’t ang kasaysayang binuo ni Karnow ay kasaysayang panig sa Amerika at dumadayukdok sa mga Pilipino. Habang ang Sa Liyab ng Libong Sulo naman ay matapang na pagsalunga sa mga ISA sa lipunan at nagiging isang subersibong ideolohikal na aparato.  Sa ganitong gana, ang pagtatalaban ng dalawang dokumentaryo ay ideolohikal at kailangang panigan ng manonood at mamamayan ang tunay na magpapalaya sa kaniya/kanila. Dahil walang bansang nagnanais na maging kolonya o kliyenteng-estado.

 

 

Sanggunian:

 

Amadon Guerrero. Philippine Society and Revolution. Fifth edition. Pilipinas: Aklat ng Bayan, Inc. 2006.

Stanley Karnow. (1989) Kinapanayam ni Brian Lamb. Inakses sa http://www.booknotes.org/Watch/7773-1/Stanley+Karnow.aspx. noong Agosto 4, 2102.

Jose Ma. Sison. Krisis at Rebolusyong Pilipino. Manila: Amado V. Hernandez Resource Center, Inc., at College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines. 1998.

____________. Makibaka Para sa Pambansang Demokrasya. Isinalin ng Kapisanan ng mga Tagasalin para sa Bayan (Salin-Bayan) mula sa Struggle for National Democracy Manila: Amado V. Hernandez Resource Center, Inc. at College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines. 2001.

Mao Tse-tung. “U.S. Imperialism is a Paper Tiger.” (1956) Inakses sa http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-5/mswv5_52.htm noong Agosto 4, 2012.

Photo by: STAND PNU

The Filipino youth are once again urged to extend help and support to our countrymen affected by the recent bouts of floods and landslides. In the past few weeks, the country was subjected to continuous heavy rains which caused damage to livelihood and suffering to millions. The number of affected families continues to grow as other parts of the affected areas  still experience heavy rains.

TULONG KABATAAN is a volunteer and relief network of various youth and student groups established by the National Union of Students, College Editors Guild, Anakbayan, Student Christian Movement, League of Filipino Students, KARATULA and Kabataan Party-list. We urgently appeal to all Filipino youth to aid the speedy recovery of our fellow countrymen. Youths in schools, communities, offices and so on are called on to gather and donate relief goods such as rice, canned goods, medicine, clothes, and other useful items.

Send your donations to the following Tulong Kabataan centers:

No. 89 K-7 Street, Kamias, Quezon City

You can also send money via the following:

Bank Account:

Account name: National Union of Students of the Philippines- Head Office, INC.
Branch:  Chinabank, Quezon Ave, Quezon City Philippines.

Account No: 107-248551-3

You may also contact: Algel Balantac (09464020450), Donat (09359813018) and Issa Baguisi (09156293896)

Tunay na aming ikinalulungkot na ipaalam sa mga estudyante, propesor at sa iba pang sektor ng Pamantasan na ganap nang pinuputol ng Student Alliance for the Advancement of Democratic Rights in PNU (STAND-PNU) ang anumang kaugnayan nito kay Angel Salvador Laysico, dating OSIC Chairperson ng PNU Student Government – Manila. Si Laysico ay kumpirmadong nakipag-ugnayan sa Student Intelligence Network  sa ilalim ng Intelligence Service ng Armed Forces of the Philippines. Siya ay naglabas ng mga impormasyong maaaring maglagay sa kapamahakan sa mga myembro ng Alyansa at ng mga kasaping organisasyon nito.

TUNAY NA MAPANIPULA ANG ESTADO!

Naniniwala kami na si Laysico ay isa lamang sa libo-libong biktima ng pasismo o karahasan ng estado. Taliwas sa ibinabandila nitong kapayapaan, pailalim na pinapasok ng estado ang larangan ng digmaan upang panatilihing pasibo’t takot ang mamamayan—isa rito ang pagmanipula sa kabataan. Di maikakailang sinamantala ng estado ang dahop na kalagayan ng buhay ni Laysico na nagsadlak sa kanyang pumaloob sa Student Intelligence Network (SIN). Layunin ng estado na pasukin at iinfiltare ang  mga militante-progresibong organisasyon upang tiktikan at isabotahe ang mga aktibidad ng  kilusan ng kabataan sa loob at labas ng iba’t ibang pamantasan. Mariin naming kinukundena ang pagmamanipula ng estado sa mamamayan at sa iba pang kabataan gaya ni Laysico.

TUNAY NA PAPET, PASISTA AT PAHIRAP SA MASA ANG ESTADO!

Sadyang di maikakailang ang hakbanging ito ng estado ay bahagi ng Oplan Bayanihan—programang militar na naglalayong pigilan ang anumang porma ng rebelyon sa bansa sa pamamagitan ng ‘pakikipagbayanihan’ ng estado sa mamamayan. Subalit taliwas sa ngalan nito, ang Oplan Bayanihan ay nagbigay-pahintulot lamang sa pagpapalawak ng militarisasyon sa kanayunan na nagsanhi sa patuloy na paglobo ng bilang ng mga biktima ng enforced disappearances, human rights violations at extra-judicial/political killings. Sa dalawang taong panunungkulan ni P-Noy, mayroon nang naitalang  9 na kaso ng enforce disapperances,  139 na kaso ng Illegel arrest and detention at 76na kaso ng extra-judicial/political killings. Sa kabila nito, patuloy sa operasyon ang Oplan Bayanihan kaya’t di na nga mapapasubalian ang katotohanang ito ay ipinatutupad ng estado upang bigyang-proteksyon ang interes ng Imperyalistang U.S.. Primaryang layunin ng Oplan Bayanihan na pilayan kung di pulbusin ang lumalawak at lumalawak na kilusan ng mamamayan sa pagsusulong ng kanilang mga demokratikong karapatan sa pamamagitan ng red tagging o pambabansag na sila’y mga komunista’t recruiter ng Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP)-New People’s Army (NPA)-National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP).

TUNAY NA BABANGON ANG SAMBAYANAN!

Hadlang sa interes ng Imperyalistang U.S. ang mga grupo ng militanteng kabataang tumututol sa walang habas na budget cuts sa state univeristies and colleges, Hadlang sa interes ng Imperyalistang U.S. ang panawagan ng mga manggagawang isabatas ang P125 dagdag-sahod at ibasura ang kontraktwalisasyon. Hadlang sa interes ng imperyalistang U.S. ang panawagan ng mga magsasakang ipatupad ang tunay na reporma sa lupa. Hadlang sa interes ng Imperyalistang U.S. ang mga militante-progresibong organisasyong pumupukaw, nag-oorganisa’t nagmomibilisa ng masa. At dahil hadlang silang lahat sa interes ng Imperyalistang U.S., pasismo o karahasan ang ganti ng estado. Subalit babangon ang sambayanan. Habang maraming kabataan ang nasa lansangan, habang di sumasahod ayon sa kanilang paggawa ang mga manggawa, habang walang sariling lupa ang mga magsasaka, dadaluyong mula sa kanayunan patungong kalunsuran ang kabataan, mga manggagawa’t magsasaka na bubuwag sa istruktura ng lipunang para lamang sa iilan at mga dayuhan. Habang marami ang katulad ni Laysico na pinagsasamantalaha’t ginagamit ng estado, magpapatuloy ang pambansa-demokratikong kilusan ng kabataan na wawasak dito. Sa kabila ng digmaang ibinabato ng estado sa sarili nitong mamamayan, mananatiling taas at kuyom ang aming mga kamao hanggang sa tagumpay ng ating pakikibaka.

NO TO STATE FASCISM!

NO TO U.S. IMPERIALISM!

MABUHAY ANG PAMBANSA-DEMOKRATIKONG PAKIKIBAKA NG MAMAMAYAN!

Isang taas-kamaong pagbati ang ipinapaabot ng STAND-PNU System sa bagong halal na Student Regent at Pangulo ng Pambansang Pederasyon ng mga Lider-Estudyante ng Pamantasang Normal ng Pilipinas (PPLEPNP) na si Dan Ralph Subla, Pangulo ng PNU Student Government Agusan.

Ang STAND-PNU ay isang malawak na alyansa ng mga lider-estudyante sa buong PNU System na may layuning palaganapin ang isang makabayan, siyentipiko, at makamasang edukasyon sa loob ng pamantasan. Sa loob ng dalawanpu’t isang taon nitong pananatili sa pamantasan, wala itong ibang layunin kung hindi ang pagsilbihan ang malawak na hanay ng mga magiging guro ng bayan sa hinaharap. Tanging ang kapakanan lamang ng bawat PNUan ang pinanghuhugutan nito ng inspirasyon at lakas upang magpatuloy sa bawat laban ng pamantasan, sa bawat pagbabanta ng pagtataas ng matrikula, ng pagbabawas ng pondo, ng pagpasok ng komersyalisasyon at pribatisasyon sa pamantasan- lahat na siyang nagpapalala sa kalagayan ng edukasyon hindi lamang sa PNU kundi sa buong Pilipinas.

Naniniwala ang STAND-PNU na ang Student Regent ay ang tinig ng mga mag-aaral sa Board of Regents (BOR) na siyang nagpapaabot ng kalagayan, mga hinaing, mga desisyon at mga makabuhulang naisin ng mga mag-aaral ng PNU. Gayundin, naniniwala ang STAND-PNU na ang responsibilidad ng isang Student Regent ay ang protektahan ang demokratikong interes at karapatan at kagalingan ng mga estudyante ng PNU. Malaki rin ang ambag ng Student Regent sa pakikipagtalastasan upang mabigyang-solusyon ang kasalukuyang mga problema ng pamantasan. Sa ganitong linya natin hinahamon ang bagong-halal na Student Regent Subla upang ipagpatuloy na ipamalas ang kaniyang kaalaman sa at kagalingan sa mga batas, legal battles at iba pang parliamentary procedures upang itaguyod ang makabuluhan at demokratikong interes ng mga iskolar ng bayan at guro ng bayan-sa-hinaharap.

Para sa bagong Rehente ng mga Mag-aaral, handang-handa ang STAND-PNU na makipag-ugnayan at makipagtulungan sa kahit anong paraang nararapat upang ipagtanggol ang kapakanan at karapatan ng bawat guro ng bayan.

Lubos ring umaasa at naniniwala ang STAND-PNU na katuwang natin si Student Regent Dan Ralph Subla pagtutol, pagpigil at pagkondena sa anumang kontra-estudyanteng patakaran sa loob at labas ng pamantasan tulad ng pagtaas ng matrikula, imposisyon ng kung anu-anong bayarin, pagpapatupad ng mga palisiyang walang konsultasyon mula sa hanay ng mga mag-aaral, at marami pang iba.

Ang hangaring ito ay mapagtatagumpayan lamang sa sama-sama at kolektibong pagkilos ng mga iskolar ng bayan. Inaasahan nating magiging tunay, palaban, at makabayan ang darating na akademikong taon sa buong Pamantasang Normal ng Pilipinas.
Iskolar ng Bayan, Paglingkuran ang Sambayanan!

Tutulan ang anumang porma ng komersyalisasyon at pribatisasyon ng edukasyon!

Guro ng Bayan, Magkaisa! Itaguyod ang Demokratikong Interes ng Bawat PNUan!

STAND-PNU, Tunay, Palaban, Makabayan!

 

—-STAND PNU National 2012

Photo by Stand PNU

This article was originally posted here: http://fearlessblogging.com/post/view/12129 . After a short while, the post was disabled. But someone was able to copy the whole article and youth advocates are asking us to share this. Please read the whole article here.

I.  Youth in Nation-Building, The National Youth Commission and the National Youth Parliament

On the 25th of July 1994, the Congress of the Philippines created one of the most important laws in the land that made the 1987 Philippine Constitution’s provision on the state’s recognition of the vital role of the youth in nation-building, This act culminated into the creation of the definition of the Filipino Youth and the institutions where they could be empowered and be involved with the state affairs namely, the National Youth Commission and the National Youth Parliament.

According to the Official Website of the National Youth Commission (NYC) (http://www.nyc.gov.ph/about-national-youth-commission/vision-mission), the commission was established by the Section 5 of the Republic Act 8044, or the Youth in Nation-Building Act, which was enacted in 1995. This law provided for the creation of a National Comprehensive and Coordinated Program on Youth Development. The NYC operationalized this provision through the creation of a Medium-Term Youth Development Plans from 1999-2004 (Estrada/ Macapagal-Arroyo Administration), 2005-2010 (http://www.nyc.gov.ph/images/downloads/2005-2010-MTYDP-draft-REVISED-01122005.pdf  Macapagal-Arroyo Administration) and currently to the much awaited and not yet finalized Philippine Youth Development  Plan 2011- 2016 (Aquino III Administration) of which all youth programs and projects implemented by all government agencies are strategically evaluated and monitored for their specific role in involving and enabling the youth as able partners towards national development and it also served as the secretariat of the Pambansang Katipunan ng mga Sangguniang Kabataan (National Federation of Youth Councils) or now commonly known as the Sangguniang Kabataan National Federation (SKNF)

While Section 13 of the Republic Act 8044 (http://www.nyc.gov.ph/about-national-youth-commission/republic-act-8044) created the Parliament of Youth Leaders or now commonly known as the National Youth Parliament (NYP) in November 1996 to recommend policies and resolutions to the Commission, that in turn the Commission would forward the actual resolutions to the respective agencies called upon by the Parliament. Here is the copy of the original text that constituted the NYP:

SEC. 13. Parliament of Youth Leaders. – There is hereby constituted the “Youth Parliament”. The Youth Parliament shall be initially convened not later than six (6) months from the full constitution of the Commission, and shall meet at the call of the National Commission, and thereafter be convened every two (2) years. The Youth Parliament shall have a regular session from two (2) to three (3) days every time it is convened, but may form task forces which may meet during the period between the convening thereof.

Delegates to the Youth Parliament shall be chosen by the Commission taking into consideration equal and geographical representation among men and women. All delegates shall be of good moral character, able to read and write, has not been convicted of any crime involving moral turpitude, and shall not be more than thirty (30) years of age on the day of election to the position by virtue of which he qualifies as a delegate and on the day the Parliament is convened. The delegates shall elect the President of the Youth Parliament who shall preside during the session of the Parliament.

The Youth Parliament at the end of each regular session shall present its proceedings, declarations and resolutions to the Commission.

The Republic Act 8044, served as the result of the clamor of the Filipino Youth during the time of the democratic and reform-minded Aquino Administration in the creation of the 1987 Philippine Constitution to have a hand in shaping the their future and the future of this nation by having their own commission under the Office of the President of the Republic and by having their officially-mandated body where their representatives can ratify and directly recommend the laws and policies that would serve in the service of the Filipino Youth through the National Youth Parliament.

II. The Power Play

However, despite being created as an institution meant for genuine reforms, the commission had been a battleground for power struggle, battles and even corruption as it is an agency attached to the Office of the President of the Republic of the Philippines.  One must note, to become a part of the Commission, one must be a part of the ruling coalition of the administration. There had not been a case that an individual was appointed to the commission being reluctant or critical to the incumbent administration.

One case that a commissioner tried to create dissent inside the commission was former NYC Commissioner-at-Large Asst. Secretary Michael Francis Acebedo Lopez where in his expose (http://pagodkanaba.blogspot.com/2008/06/confessions-of-comm-michael-mike.html#axzz1so7UNgzX ) about the irregularities and corruption within the NYC, which was refuted by his fellow NYC commissioners in an official statement of the NYC (http://pagodkanaba.blogspot.com/2008/07/official-statement-of-national youth.html#axzz1so7UNgzX)

Another scandal that rocked the commission was another alleged corruption issue (http://www.philstar.com/Article.aspx?articleId=623093&publicationSubCategoryId=68)  over former SKNF President and Ex-Officio NYC Commissioner Jane Cesoria Cajes (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jane_Censoria_Cajes), daughter of incumbent Mayor of Trinidad, Bohol Roberto Cajes (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roberto_Cajes),  a proud Lakas-CMD party member (the political party of the Former President Macapagal-Arroyo)   and a social media campaign page (http://www.facebook.com/pages/Investigate-SK-President-Jane-Cajes/112946678762580)  was launched to have her investigated.

Even the National Youth Parliament had not been spared by politics and dominating collusions from the members of the alumni who had political affiliations and at times the NYC, through the National Organizing Committee dictate the turnout of the majority of the members of the parliament that caused the election of unlikely NYP presidential candidates to win in the parliamentary elections as a majority bloc was constituted long before the parliament session was convened. If one would review the resolutions of the previous parliaments, the agenda of the majority faction survive and be used as a political leverage in the next electoral campaign by political parties.

This fact may be proven during the time of 6th NYP President & 8th NYP National Organizing Committee Head, former Commissioner Steve Arquiza, a member of Macacapagal-Arroyo’s National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzalez’ Youth for First World Philippines (YFFWP). During his time, there were a lot of members of the parliament who were members of the YFFWP, and the group almost elected their own president, which lost via one vote against Jericho Bustamante of Zamboanga.

III. Gameplayers

As one would hope that a change of presidential administration from the Macapagal-Arroyo Administration to the reform-minded Aquino III administration changed the nature of the NYC to a more responsive and more relevant institution. This scenario indeed changed the composition of the members of the top brass of the NYC. It placed several former student and youth leaders and even a former staff of the Commission into its en-banc. Some of the members of the commission are the following:

Commissioner-at-Large Percival Cerdana (http://www.nyc.gov.ph/about-national-youth-commission/national-youth-commission-officials/atty-percival-cendana) is a former president of the UP Student Council, founding president of the Student Council Alliance of the Philippines (SCAP), a former aide to former Rep. Risa Hontiveros (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Risa_Hontiveros-Baraquel), president of the national political party Akbayan,  an alumnus of the LGBT group UP Babaylan and founder of its alumni group,  BABAYLANES.

Commissioner-at-Large Gregorio Ramon Tingson (http://www.nyc.gov.ph/about-national-youth-commission/national-youth-commission-officials/commissioner-gio-tingson) was the former president of the Ateneo De Manila Student Council and current president of the Student Council Alliance of the Philippines (http://scapnational.wordpress.com/contact/), a conglomeration of student councils and student political parties in the country.

Commissioner for Luzon Georgina Nava (http://www.nyc.gov.ph/about-national-youth-commission/national-youth-commission-officials/georgina-nava) was  said to be a notable and well-loved former staff of  the NYC and Senator Francis Pangilinan- the Liberal Party 2010 Senate Slate Campaign Manager (http://www.kiko.ph/index.php/newsroom/press-releases/378-kiko-pangilinan-formally-named-campaign-manager-of-lps-senate-slate)  and was the former Director of Pangilinan’s Ten Outstanding Youth Organization  (www.tayoawards.net, TAYO) Foundation, an NGO that collaborated with the NYC and private entities in the conduct of the search for outstanding organizations in the country.

As one would hope change, these people who represent the youth had been active in the clamor for change then in government as they have been active in the socio-civic campaigns like the Youth Vote Philippines. Youth Vote Philippines is a collaboration of several organizations like Akbayan Youth, Student Council Alliance of the Philippines, TAYO, the National Youth Parliament and the International Center for Innovation Transformation and Excellence in Governance (http://incitegov.org/about-us/about-incitegov/, INCITEGov), an institution formed by some of the members of the HYATT 10, secretaries who resigned in protest against the Macapagal-Arroyo Administration. The appointments of these people mentioned above would say much on how these people clamoured for change then and now given power to change and represent the youth to development.

 

IV. Reformism in the Era of Change

In a span of less than two years, the Filipino youth had seen changes in the Commission on its stances on issues. Being vocal on youth and students issues, like the Students Rights and Welfare campaign, Reproductive Health Campaign, Sangguniang Kabataan Reform, the STC Bikini Girls issue in Cebu and many more.  The NYC attempted to become inclusive in all of its programs by using social media as a means of communication and information dissemination of its flagship exchange programs, like the Japan-East Asia Network of Exchange for Students and Youths (JENYSYS) Program, a two-week exchange program and the Ship for Southeast Asia Program (SSYEAP).

As reported by GMA 7 Online News (http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/254543/cbb/parliamentarians-chosen-for-the-9th-national-youth-parliament ), together  with the National Youth Parliament Alumni Association (NYPAA), the National Organizing Committee of the 9th National Youth Parliament, headed by  Commissioner Gregorio Ramon Tingson created a selection panel that crafted and screened the applicants objectively with quantitative and qualitative criteria of selection, based on leadership, community involvement, an act never before publicized by the previous leaderships of the Commission.

But as this picture shows a pro-active NYC favourable to the Filipino youth, one must be careful to generalize, for there are peculiarities in the era of change.

V. Analysis to the Recent NYC Campaign Initiatives

In terms of the initiatives, yes, one may say that the initiatives launched were relevant and responsive to the needs of the youth, however, observation shows that the campaigns had been limited to the program of actions similar to the youth arm of the national political party and partylist- Akbayan Youth (http://www.akbayanyouth.org/) and its affiliates and campaign coalitions like the Student Council Alliance of the Philippines, Coalition for Students Rights and Welfare (www.facebook.com/STRAWcoalition), SK Reform Coalition (http://skreformcoalition.wordpress.com),  Movement for the Advancement of Student Power (http://maspnational.wordpress.com), First Time Voters (FTV) Network/Project (http://scapnational.wordpress.com/what-is-ftv/)  and others.

Let us be reminded that each campaign may not only constitute a resolution from the commission but actual events funded by the NYC itself and panelists for their for a and symposia also include leaders of the said parties mentioned, considering there are a lot more advocates and leaders in the field of student leadership and youth advocacy in the country than the combined conglomeration of all affiliated members of these networks. This could be attributed to the proximity of the relations between these groups to two of the commissioners, namely Percival Cerdana and Gregorio Ramon Tingson, belonging to the same partylist (http://www.comelec.gov.ph/2010%20National_Local/certlist_partylist_p2.html, 2010 COMELEC List of Registered/Accredited Partylists, No. 58)  & national political party (http://www.comelec.gov.ph/2010%20National_Local/political_parties_page4.html, 2010 COMELEC List of Registered/Accredited Political Parties,) -Akbayan

VI. Deconstructing the 9th National Youth Parliament

In the 9th National Youth Parliament results online posting, one must take note that there had been 3 versions of the press release. The first version released by GMA 7 News Online at April 11, 2012 at exactly 12:47pm (http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/254546/news/nation/160-youth-leaders-picked-to-join-9th-national-youth-parliament) only contained criteria of selection, the composition of the members of the parliament (regional & sectoral and national government agency nomination listing), the role of the NYP, the year it was established and the theme of the parliament.

The second version   (http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/254543/cbb/parliamentarians-chosen-for-the-9th-national-youth-parliament ) was released by the same news network online on April 11, 2012 at 1:01pm, 14 minutes after the earlier press release. This now contains a brief history, the current process of the selection of the members of the parliament done by the NYPAA and the National Organizing Committee of the NYC, headed by Commissioner Tingson, composition of the parliament and the list of names of the qualified applicants. However, the stated composition did not comply with the actual number of qualified applicants on the list below the press release. As the composition stated that there would be 5 representatives per each region- a total of 85 regional representatives the list only provided 80 regional accepted applicants. In the sectoral listing, 55 representative slots would be allotted but the list provided 60 sectoral accepted applicants and in the national government agencies nomination slot that provided 20 representatives only 10 people were mentioned in the list, creating a disparity of minus 10 representatives between the originally intended 160 representatives, a loss of 5 representatives to the regional representation in the parliament, an added 5 representatives to the sectoral list and a deduction of 10 representatives to the national government agencies nomination list.

Original Count stated by GMA 7 Press Release 1 & 2:

85 regional + 55 sectoral + 20 NGA nominated= 160 9th NYP representatives

Actual Count in the GMA 7 News Online list in Press Release 2:

80 regional + 60 sectoral + 10 NGA nominated= 150 9th NYP representatives

The last version was released at the official website of the National Youth Commission (http://www.nyc.gov.ph/whats-new-at-national-youth-commission/nyc-updates/81-youth/642-nyp9-participants-announced)  on April 11, 2012 at 8:50pm, 7 hours and 49 minutes after the GMA 7 News Online release. This now contained several differences in content compared to the earlier press releases. The press release rephrased the context of the earlier releases on the selection process-removing the name of the NYPAA but instead emphasized that the selection panel was a multi-sectoral panel composed of NYC representatives, former NYP delegates and other NYP delegates and other partner government agencies. It also emphasized the role of the former NYP batches, quoted the Republic Act 8044 provision on the creation of the NYP but the highlight of this release is that it stated that the 9th NYP would have 170 delegates that would be divided into 5 committees. Now compared to the earlier list, 20 more youth delegates had been added in a span of almost 8 hours.

Original Count stated by GMA 7 Press Release 1 & 2:

85 regional + 55 sectoral + 20 NGA nominated= 160 9th NYP representatives

Actual Count in the GMA 7 News Online list in Press Release 2:

80 regional + 60 sectoral + 10 NGA nominated= 150 9th NYP representatives

National Youth Commission 9th NYP Press Release:

80 regional + 80 sectoral +10 NGA nominated= 170 9th NYP representatives

To answer these mysteries, first, one must go back to what the ‘Power Play’part of this paper stated:

Even the National Youth Parliament had not been spared by politics and dominating collusions from the members of the alumni who had political affiliations and at times the NYC, through the National Organizing Committee dictate the turnout of the majority of the members of the parliament that caused the election of unlikely NYP presidential candidates to win in the parliamentary elections as a majority bloc was constituted long before the parliament session was convened. If one would review the resolutions of the previous parliaments, the agenda of the majority faction survive and be used as a political leverage in the next electoral campaign by political parties

It could not be denied nor refuted that the National Organizing Committee (NOC) was politicized from the start. According to the GMA 7 News Online 2nd article on the 9th NYP, it was Commissioner Gregorio Ramon Tingson who headed the NOC and together with the members of the NYPAA composed and served in the selection process and reiterated by the NYC’s 9th NYP results press-release that NYC representatives, former NYP delegates and other NYP delegates and other partner government agencies served as panelists to the selection panel.

This composition may had provided multi-perspective clashes on the selection to legitimize and create a balance of forces in the selection process, however- leaving the final shots to the NOC, headed by an Akbayan.

It was said that the leadership of the NYPAA initially requested a phone interview to further screen the applicants which Commissioner Tingson reportedly said no because of the lack of budget. There are several factors why did the NYPAA did not pursue the said criteria. One reason could be the links of the 7th NYP President Niel Nino Lim, (http://en.wikipilipinas.org/index.php?title=Niel_Ni%C3%B1o_Lim) with Youth Vote Philippines (http://en.wikipilipinas.org/index.php?title=Youth_Vote_Philippines) which was said earlier to be in alliance with Akbayan Youth, SCAP, FTV & TAYO. Niel Nino Lim (http://incitegov.org/about-us/staff/niel-lim/) was also said to be an employee of InciteGov (http://incitegov.org/about-us/about-incitegov/) the NGO founded by the HYATT 10, which some of them were able to return to their original departmental positions in government, like Budget Secretary Butch Abad, Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Teresita Deles &Finance Secretary Cesar Purisima.

Without the interview, this may had given an undue advantage to some of the applicants belonging to this group because no one would undergo oral verification. This left the selection under the panelists mercy or more so with the NOC. One source said that many of the applicants came from Akbayan, from the simple members of the youth arm or their networks to the prominent youth and student leaders linked directly or indirectly with this said group. As with the theory of actual domination would be difficult to prove unless the NOC would release the actual application forms to be under scrutiny of an independent body or even the public, the only thing could be proven were certain prominent youth and student  leaders are currently officially linked to this  political group. Take for example qualified applicants, Nikki Jane Isla and Gabriel Paolo “Heart” Dino.

Nikki Jane Isla was the former president of the Isabela State University Student Council and current VP for Luzon of the Student Council Alliance of the Philippines,  (http://scapnational.wordpress.com/contact/), where she works closely and hand-in-hand with Commissioner Tingson  in the executive committee (http://scapnational.wordpress.com/2011/07/23/stop-the-tyranny-in-our-schools/)  & Akbayan Youth  (http://akbayanyouth.wordpress.com/about-akbayan-youth/), while some of her fellow members of the Akbayan Youth Executive Committee were elected and appointed at the Youth and Student Sectoral Council of the National Anti-Poverty Commission (www.napc.gov.ph) , the anti-poverty think-tank of the government which permits members of the Civil Society to participate in policy reform for poverty reduction which includes the next person in question, Heart Dino.

Gabriel Paolo “Heart” Dino (http://www.facebook.com/HeartforChair/info) a young transgender, is the current UP Student Council President, was a former officer of Cerdana’s UP Babaylan, the Gender Committee Head of SCAP (currently headed by Commissioner Tingson) from November 2011 up to the present and a representative of Cerdana’s BABAYLANES and council member the National Anti-Poverty Commission Youth and Student Sectoral Council (NAPC-YSSC). It must also be taken into consideration that she is not the only member of the NAPC-YSSC coming from the Akbayan and affiliates network. The list provided by the official website of the National Anti-Poverty Commission for the NAPC-YSSC clearly shows her allies from SCAP and Akbayan Youth Executive Committee were also a part of the said Commission’s Sectoral Council (http://www.napc.gov.ph/SR%20and%20CM/PDF/srcm_ys.pdf) . It must be noted that the NAPC’s Lead Convenor (http://www.napc.gov.ph/structure.asp) is Joel Rocamora (http://www.napc.gov.ph/secretariat.asp), a former head of Akbayan.

Proving the situation at hand, we could draw several assumptions:

1)      Akbayan Youth, like its main party Akbayan had a systemic and strategic planning in terms of achieving vital positions in government like Rocamora in NAPC, Cerdana andTingson in NYC and Roland Llamas (http://en.wikipilipinas.org/index.php?title=Ronald_Llamas) Akbayan Founding President,  the Political Affairs Adviser of the President of the Philippines, that  probability could not be removed in the upcoming NYP, similar to what has happened to the  NAPC-YSSC.  There were also reports from a non-partisan watchdog in the University of the Philippines that there is an upsurge in the victories of student political parties affiliated with Akbayan that could be an example of  a pro-active stance to be politically dominant  even in politics in one educational institution, coincidentally – the Country’s National University . (http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=361232530575890&set=a.182009695164842.42461.100000674385145&type=1).

2)      The dual status of Akbayan as a national political party and a partylist in the COMELEC’s roster created a question of the real nature of the group in terms of representation of the “marginalized sector” when in fact its registry last 2010 elections were both a national political party in coalition with another national political party, the Liberal Party and its partylist nature. Since in power, it could be considered that the party did not to be representative of a marginalized sector which was the primary bias of the NAPC-YSSC and NYP.

3)      There is a clear conflict of interest in the selection of some members of the NYP due to the close political and organizational relations between the NOC Head, Commissioner Tingson, Nikki Jane Isla and Gabriel Paolo “Heart” Dino. The plot thickens if there are more  publicly unidentified qualified applicants, who belong to their political affiliations and alliances.

VI. Enigma Revealed: Nava’s hand in the 9th NYP Results

To explain the 3 press releases released by that day regarding the 9th NYP Results, 2 of which, posted at the GMA 7 News Online website were very inaccurate and the NYC results, one must go deep into the issue of the 2 GMA 7 News Online Releases. Some sources tell that it was under the orders of Commissioner Georgina Nava, that the results of the 9th NYP were released, without undergoing the process of the Commission’s En-Banc meeting (the general assembly of all the Commissioners), thus committing outright insubordination.  It was said that she denied the allegations however, there were some evidence linking her to the said releases.

Why would she be in connivance with the NOC? The answer was their cooperation then during the time of Youth Vote Philippines, where TAYO, SCAP, FTV and Akbayan Youth were working together then in 2008.

What would Nava, Tingson and Cerdana get if they could secure this next 9th NYP to be under their control? Actually there are a lot to get. To get this batch completes once more the groups that launched YouthVote Philippines then. The Akbayan Youth or affiliated groups presidency will enhance the cohesive control over the discussion of the parliament. A prominent personality from their camp may become the next NYP president. This scenario gave Gabriel Paolo Heart Dino to be pushed as their caucus standard bearer, due to her recent exposures on national television as the first young transgender to win the Presidency of the UP Student Council. A better media stunt could be derived if she could win the Presidency of the Parliament.  This would be beneficial as these members of the parliament have the mandate to advocate for resolutions biased to the candidates these groups want to support, primarily Liberal Party Senatoriables, like Akbayan’s Risa Hontiveros. Even if they will not directly campaign Risa Hontiveros but as long as prominent youth figures from Akbayan Youth  will be the face of YouthVote, it is as good as indirect campaigning.

Moreover, the actions of Georgina Nava were also said to be symptoms of her ambition to become the next Chair of the Commission as she proved to have control over some of the decisions of the NYC’s programs such as the supposed “decrease” of funds on the NYP and reallocated it to the SSYEAP and other campaign-based programs that were linked to the Akbayan Bloc of Tingson and Cerdana, therefore bypassing even more the Commission’s En banc, the highest policy- making body of the NYC.  It was also said that because of this, the NOC of the NYP preferred to get facilitators from Naga, instead of using the pool of alumni of the NYP.

Ironically, it was also rumoured that UNICEF gave a handful of amount for the NOC to implement the NYP properly. So the question remains, if this were true, what happened to the money involved given by UNICEF?   Moreover, the additional 20 qualified applicants in the last release of the NYC remained to be a mystery on who deliberately added the names of these applicants and the identities of these individuals remain unknown. They could be additional forces to secure the Akbayan Youth and affiliates victory in the NYP, who knows?

In addition, it was said that the recent extension of the SSYEAP application was also said to be her doing for some favoured individuals to apply for the program. With that it created a very tight schedule for the staff of the NYC to screen the applications. With these doings, could the staff love such imposing superior and former co-worker in the rank and file in the workplace? It was said that she had a bad record in the Civil Service Commission, from an aide to a former island commissioner; she became the chief- of-staff of a former NYC Chairperson then she went AWOL in the NYC when an employment with Senator Pangilinan became feasible.  To the ones who are curious of this report, one could get in touch with the Civil Service Commission to verify these reports.

VII. Conclusion

One can fully say after carefully scrutinizing this paper that corruption still prevails in the supposed groups and individuals who seemingly carry the citizen’s agenda. The Aquino III administration should be careful of those who it support. Political posts should not be treated as spoils of war given to allies for a job well done. Positions must be given to the deserving and not to the ones desiring the position for those who seek to serve first than to seek the position is the great leader. Once upon a time, people saw that in the Aquino III Administration, sadly- the heroes of yesterday are now the tyrants of today, hiding in facades and mere appearances. People, especially the youth should scrutinize carefully and be observant of the events and activities in their own environment.

According to one of the researchers of the World Bank,  (http://www.iadb.org/regions/re2/consultative_group/groups/transparency_workshop6.htm )  there are many definitions of corruption that have been proposed, yet none fully satisfactory and comprehensive. Although it may be difficult to define corruption precisely, it is generally not hard to recognize. The World Bank settled on a straightforward definition—the abuse of public office for private gain. This definition is not original, but it was chosen because it is concise and broad enough to include most forms of corruption that the Bank encounters, as well as being widely used in the literature.

Public office is abused for private gain when an official accepts, solicits, or extorts a bribe. It is also abused when private agents actively offer bribes to circumvent public policies and processes for competitive advantage and profit. Public office can also be abused for personal benefit even if bribery does not occur, through patronage and nepotism, the theft of state assets, or the diversion of state revenues. Like most other definitions, it places the public sector at the center of the phenomenon.

On this scenario, it seems that bribery is not clearly seen but the mere political leverages done by these individuals provide social capital incentives to their individual and political parties’ interest, therefore there is a private gain in these activities. Let this be a warning in dealing with these individuals and the institution they represent for the time of genuine youth participation in governance has yet to come unless all the Filipino Youth will stop being careless and started to care more for their future.

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STUDENTS FROM THE PHILIPPINE Normal University (PNU), Pambansang Pederasyon ng mga Lider-Estudyante ng Pamantasang Normal ng Pilipinas (PPLEPNP) and the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP) storm the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) today, May 3, 2012, to call for the deferment of the scheduled Board of Regents (BOR) meeting where salient student issues such as tuition, dormitory and other school fees increases and impositions will be discussed.

According to Einstein Recedes, NUSP spokesperson, tuition increase and any other school fees increase makes “paying Iskolars ng Bayan” out of Filipino students. “Perennial slashes in the education budget have forced state universities such as PNU to radically privatize and commercialize public education via tuition, miscellaneous and other school fees increases,” stresses Recedes.

“What future do our future teachers have if the BOR approves a spate of tuition and other school fees increases? There is no future teacher who envisions having a dim future,” said Arnold-John Bulanadi, outgoing Student Regent and President of the PPLEPNP.

Fee increases and impositions up for discussion in the BOR meeting are as follows: dormitory fee increase (P350 to P450) at PNU Isabela campus, tuition increase for foreign students, and an additional P200 payment for the Proposed Web-Based School System (PWEBBS). Also included in the BOR agenda are underrepresentation of the student sector in the recent meeting of the Bids and Awards Committee for PWEBBS, budgetary misallocation in the Student Development Fund, revision of the Faculty Manual, among others.

“Now, more than ever, we need a Student Regent who will genuinely defend and protect the democratic rights and interests of the student sector and the PNU community,” says Bulanadi. The PNU administration, according to Bulanadi, has intervened in the selection of the interim SR and has undermined the autonomy of the PPLEPNP to choose the interim SR, as mandated by its constitution and by-laws. Protesters call on the BOR to defer the meeting since the student sector is misrepresented by an interim SR undemocratically selected by the PNU administration.

“It is high time for the PNU community to be vigilant and assertive in defending student representation in PNU’s highest policy-making body,” says Michael Angelo Esposo, spokesperson of the Student Alliance for the Advancement of Democratic Rights in PNU (STAND PNU). “We are both anguished and angered by the PNU administration’s political maneuvering. We cannot help but surmise that this is connected to student matters in the BOR’s agenda. Our outgoing Student Regent, Arnold-John Bulanadi, was staunch in opposing any form of school fees increase since such is tantamount to privatizing education,” Esposo exclaims.

 

REFERENCE:

Mr. Arnold-John S. Bulanadi ( 09158252327) President, PPLEPNP

Mr. Einstein Recedes (09156469177) Spokesperson, NUSP

Mr. Michael Esposo (09157761959) Spokesperson, STAND PNU

“Habang hindi pa nakapagtitipon ang Pambansang Pederasyon ng mga Lider-Estudyante ng Pamantasang Normal ng Pilipinas (PPLEPNP) upang maghalal ng Bagong Student Regent, marapat na kilalanin ang aming resolusyon na nagtitibay sa mandatong ipinagkaloob kay Arnold – John S. Bulanadi bilang kinatawan ng sektor ng estudyante sa darating na pagpupulong ng Board of Regents.”

 — Lousel Lee Cuizon, Sangay ng Agusan del Sur, Miyembro ng Pambansang Konseho ng PPLEPNP

Hindi pa man nakatatanggap ng pormal na dokumento ang PPLEPNP na hindi na maaaring umupo si Arnold-John S. Bulanadi (kasalukuyang Pangulo ng PPLEPNP) dahil siya’y nagtapos na, nagpatawag ang administrasyon sa pangunguna ng Pangulo ng Pamantasan na ipatawag ang mga bagong halal na Pangulo ng Pamahalaang Pangmag-aaral sa bawat kampus ng Pamantasan upang mamili ng pansamantalang kinatawan (Interim Student Regent) ng sektor ng estudyante sa darating na pagpupulong ng Board of Regents (BOR), Mayo 03, 2012.

Ang pagpili at paghirang ng  Student Regent ay taunang ginagawa ng PPLEPNP tuwing buwan ng Mayo (naaayon sa 2010 Saligang Batas ng PPLEPNP). Ngayong taon, pinagkasunduan ng mga miyembro at opisyal ng PPLEPNP na magaganap ang pagtitipon ng PPLEPNP sa Mayo 13 – 19, 2012. Sa loob ng 16 taon ng PPLEPNP, kinilala at kinikilala ito ng BOR na may awtonomiyang magpasya sa iba’t ibang usapin pangmag-aaral partikular na ang magpasya kung sino ang magiging kinatawan ng sektor ng estudyante sa BOR.

Ngunit sa taong ito, hindi ibinigay at hindi isinailalim sa PPLEPNP ang proseso ng pagpili ng Interim Student Regent. Isang larawan ito ng pagtanggal sa karapatan ng hanay ng mga estudyante na mamili at tuwirang pakikialam ng administrasyon sa demokratikong proseso ng PPLEPNP.

Kilala si Bulanadi na nanguna sa kampanya laban sa pagtataas ng Dormitory Fee at Tuition Fee, pagpapaapruba sa walang konsultasyong Proposed PNU Web-Based School System, pagpapa-refund ng iligal na Computer Developmental Fee, atbp. pang anti-estudyanteng polisiyang polisiya sa Pamantasan.

Kahit ganoon pa man, nagpasa sa Tanggapan ng Tagapangulo ng Commission on Higher Education at sa iba pang miyembro ng BOR (thru email) ang PPLEPNP ng Pambansang Resolusyon 2012-01 na resolusyong nagtitibay sa mandatong ipinagkaloob kay Arnold-John S. Bulanadi bilang kinatawan ng sektor ng estudyante sa darating na pagpupulong habang hindi pa nakapagtitipon ng PPLEPNP.

 

Defend the PPLEPNP! Respect and Recognize our Autonomy!

Stand for and Uphold Democratic Student Representation in the Board of Regents!

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The student sector of the Philippine Normal University (PNU) System may not be represented in the highest policy making body of the university, the PNU Board of Regents (BOR), this coming May 2012 meeting. But what seems to be a mere technical issue of the outgoing Student Regent’s (SR) status as a student of the university takes on a political twist.

The PNU administration has directed incoming Student Government (SG) presidents all over the PNU System to select amongst them an interim SR. This move undermines the role of the Pambansang Pederasyon ng mga Lider-Estudyante ng Pamantasang Normal ng Pilipinas (PPLEPNP) to officially elect the SR, said Hon. Arnold-John S. Bulanadi, outgoing SR and PPLEPNP President. The said federation annually elects a National Executive Body where the chosen president also becomes the SR.

“Now, more than ever, there is a need to defend the Office of the Student Regent. The PNU administration’s said directive lacks mandate and attacks the very core of democratic student representation. The PPLEPNP has the mandate and the responsibility to elect the interim and the new SR. What the PNU administration is doing, needless to say, is sheer intervention in purely student affairs,” decried Bulanadi.

Bulanadi received a call from University and BOR Secretary Mr. Alpheus Eugenio V. Ferreras last April 20 informing the former that he won’t be allowed to sit in the May 2012 BOR meeting because he is no longer a student of the university since March 21, 2012. Bulanadi said that the PPLEPNP would have submitted a petition for Bulanadi to serve as the official representative of the PNU student sector in the BOR until such time that the PPLEPNP would have elected a new SR.

The said petition would have been in consonance with Commission on Higher Education (CHED) Memorandum Order No. 3 Series of 2001, Rule II Definition of Terms, Section 3h, on the Student Regent(s)/Student Trustee(s): “the duly elected student representative to the GB of a chartered SUC, who may also be the President/Federation Head thereof, provided, the student may be represented by a duly elected representative who may sit as regular member of the Board in the interim period when the student representative loses his status as a student such as but not limited to graduation, transfer, expulsion and other similar causes.”

“It is also alarming that the PNU administration hasn’t given me any written and formal notice or correspondence as regards my status as Student Regent,” added Bulanadi. “The PPLEPNP stands firm that the student sector should and must be represented this May 2012 BOR meeting, and that the student representative should and must be elected by the PPLEPNP,” stressed Bulanadi.

As provided in Article VII, Section 1 of the PPLEPNP’s constitution, the federation is set to elect its National Executive Body for 2012-2013 this coming May.